Humanity's political story has largely been shaped by the struggle for territory. From primitive tribes to empires, from colonies to the geopolitical struggles of the Cold War, the story has always been the same: control of strategic areas. Land was not only a productive area but also a place of existence. Powerful leaders have always promised their people new living spaces, expanding horizons, and secure borders. The situation is no different today. All actors in the system, large and small, are either striving to acquire or defend their land. The appetite for resources continues to wreak havoc on the land. Trump's renewed rhetoric about Venezuela, the Panama Canal, and even Greenland during his second term are, in fact, a reflection of this appetite. The Caribbean Sea is about to be disrupted.
Venezuela has been an independent nation since the Spanish, who colonized it for 300 years in the early 19th century, but has always grappled with civil wars and foreign intervention. Indeed, the phrase "the homeland comes first" (la patria es primero), by the country's founder, Simón Bolívar, is one of the most frequently used by Venezuelans, who have built their national identity on the narrative of independence. House walls and streets are adorned with this phrase. A collective memory passed down through generations keeps the people constantly vigilant against colonialists and superior powers who treat them as second-class citizens. This is the source of the motivation for resistance against the great powers: the possibility that the US, in the form of the new Spaniards, could bring Venezuela to its knees by exerting economic and political pressure on the political center. The US is now the people's greatest enemy image.
A war of independence, and the national pride shaped by that narrative, is the main source of power for Chavez's and later Maduro's policies. While economic crises, hyperinflation, migration, and deprivation due to sanctions have put incredible strain on the people, the time-honored spirit of resistance makes it difficult for Venezuela to achieve purely internal change. Dissidents and those who have lost hope are migrating to other countries. It is estimated that more than 7 million Venezuelans have left the country in the last 10 years. This is a significant figure considering the total population is less than 30 million. The country, facing significant hardship due to US and EU sanctions, is naturally gravitating towards the bloc of Russia, China, and Iran. Yet, Venezuela possesses enormous reserves of oil and natural gas, gold, and precious metals. The ground beneath is rich, but the surface is ravaged by poverty; poverty, corruption, and authoritarianism feed off each other. This is known in literature as the "resource curse."
The US's interest in Venezuela has a long history. Since the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which declared all of Latin America a US backyard, American politicians have considered the region their sphere of influence. Since the 1920s, the country became one of the world's largest oil exporters, and American companies made significant investments. Oil flows from Venezuela quickly became vital to US energy security. Its role as a counterweight to Cuba in the Caribbean during the Cold War was of additional strategic importance. The US considered Venezuela a friend until Hugo Chavez came to power in 1999 and defined the US as an imperialist power.
The US record on Venezuela has been riddled with failures since then. Failed coup attempts, intelligence operations, economic sanctions, and declaring the regime a "threat to national security" have all proved futile. Donald Trump, however, has continued to threaten Venezuela since his first term. He first declared the Maduro government illegitimate and recognized opposition leader Juan Guiado as interim president, imposed isolation, and expanded sanctions. His words at a rally in Florida, "Venezuela's wealth is in the wrong hands. We must return it to its people and the free world," resonated widely. The future was coming.
The Caribbean basin is essentially considered an "inland sea" by US administrations. The Panama Canal, the main artery connecting this basin to the oceans, also holds complementary strategic importance. Regarding Panama, which has been at the heart of global trade since its opening in 1914, let's recall Theodore Roosevelt's famous words: "We created Panama, and the canal will create us."
From the US perspective, the Venezuelan issue should be viewed as a unified whole with the Panama Canal. Trump's statement to Congress, "The United States will retake the Canal. If the principles of this grand gesture are not fulfilled, we will demand its full and unquestioning return to us," also defines the new scope of the Trump era.
The Trump administration has identified the Venezuelan and Panamanian governments' ties to China and Russia as an existential threat. Moreover, this is a reiteration of a historical reflex. Because the Caribbean region is a strategically crucial point, whenever challenges like Cuba, Nicaragua, or Venezuela arise, the US's historical response has always been the same: to tighten its grip and intervene if necessary. Trump's Central America policy is an updated version of the US's historical "backyard" approach. He also keeps the option to pay and buy(!). He is, after all, a global trader, and a true fox in a dog's den.