Germany's New Force: The Rise of BSW


A party that has just entered the political scene in Germany has upset all balances within a year. The party I am talking about is BSW, founded by former left-wing party leader Sahra Wagenknecht. This party made quite a splash when it was founded in 2023, and at this point it is possible to say that the experts' predictions were completely correct. Because BSW has made a very serious rise in just one year and has become a rival for traditional parties. It has even surpassed some traditional parties that have been on the scene for decades. So what are the reasons behind the rise of BSW and how does German politics view this situation?

Before looking at how BSW was founded, we should definitely look at how the division in the left party started. Because that's where the issue really starts. In fact, it is possible to say that BSW founder Wagenknecht is responsible for the formation of two separate fronts within the left party. Of course, there was a division, a debate or a crisis among the left in Germany before. However, Wagenknecht was the name that brought this division to the center and said that this could not continue like this. As Wagenknecht gained power within the party and rose to the party leadership, the debates continued to increase. Because her statements on different issues often contradicted the party's stance, other high-ranking figures were uncomfortable. Wagenknecht's book The Self-Proud, published in 2021, was the final straw.

In her book, Wagenknecht divided leftists into traditional leftists and lifestyle leftists. Here, there was serious criticism of her own party after the poor results in the 2021 federal elections. She stated that while traditional leftists deal with issues that really concern the public, lifestyle leftists deal with issues such as gender or veganism, and she included the Left Party in the category of lifestyle leftists. In other words, Wagenknecht was saying that while the public's concern is social, political and economic events, you are interested in issues that do not solve the public's problems. Wagenknecht was demanding change, but her words were considered an insult to left-wing voters. Although a dismissal case was filed on the grounds that she was harming the party, a part of the party supported Wagenknecht, and thus two fronts were formed.

Wagenknecht's opposition to arms shipments after the start of the Ukraine War was again contrary to the party line. The situation was made even worse by the fact that she held rallies with far-right figures who, like her, opposed military support. While the discussions about her place in the party were endless, it was learned that Wagenknecht had started working on establishing her own party. That party became BSW, which took its name from the founder of her party, Sahra Wagenknecht. In other words, speculations about the Sahra Wagenknecht alliance and the plan to establish a party for reason and justice first emerged in March 2023. Of course, this was perceived by the left party as a situation that would harm them again. However, no one was willing to keep Wagenknecht. In fact, they wanted her to leave anyway. Because the left party would suffer more as Wagenknecht continued to stay in the party.

When the party formation plans emerged, the party leader at the time, Janine Wissler, approached the questions about the subject with ease. She said it was her decision and closed the subject, while her assistant Katina Schubert said that she had been working for herself for a long time, not for the party. In other words, she used some expressions that meant that if she goes, she should go. Then she said it was necessary on the way. Wagenknecht's supporters reacted strongly to these statements made while the party formation process was ongoing. They stated that the left party had been mobbing Wagenknecht for years because of her different views. They also accused the left party of no longer being meaningful.

Although Wagenknecht's establishment of a party caused the left party to get rid of him, of course it came at a cost. Because along with Wagenknecht, some important figures in the party also left the left party. This became one of the most important points of discussion during the establishment of the party. The left party demanded that the names who left the party return their MPs, and they were threatened with legal steps. However, they did not actually have the right to ask for this. Because MPs are not obliged to comply with such a decision under the German Constitution since they are elected. Leading figures in the left party accused Wagenknecht and her circle of immoral theft. They stated that they were disappointed. However, they could not prevent the collapse. The left party faction in the German parliament became too small to continue its existence and was forced to dissolve itself. Instead, a left party group with fewer rights was established. The BSW was officially established in January 2024, following the completion of the formality process that began in October 2023. Just like the left party, a BSW group was established in parliament.

Now let's take a closer look at Wagenknecht, who practically destroyed the left party and founded her own party. Wagenknecht is not an unimportant name that has just entered the German political scene. Wagenknecht was born in 1969 in Jena, East Germany, to an Iranian father and a German mother. She joined the Free German Youth, a communist youth organization, during her school years. She found the military education conditions applied to students in East Germany to be too harsh. Due to these harsh conditions, she was unable to eat or drink. The East German state, however, considered this as a hunger strike and did not allow her to study at university. Instead, she was given a simple secretary position. Wagenknecht resigned from there and started teaching Russian. Her political career began in 1989. She joined the German Socialist Unity Party, the SED. Her aim was to open a new path in German socialism, which had reached a dead end.

After the collapse of East Germany, she joined the democratic socialism party, the PDS, which was the continuation of the SED, and rose to the party's executive board. She was also the spokesperson for the communist platform, the KDF. However, this platform was actually the opposite of the PDS. The PDS rejected the pro-Stalinist stance of the KDF. Wagenknecht's participation in this formation led to her expulsion from the PDS executive board between 1995 and 2000. Just as she caused controversy within the left party, she was also a controversial figure within the PDS. Other party officials found him unbearable. It was said that Wagenknecht had a conservative, traditional attitude that missed the old East Germany rather than being modern.

When the left party replaced the PDS in 2007, Wagenknecht became an important figure here as well. She was again promoted to the party's executive board and became an extremely influential figure. Wagenknecht has been a member of the German parliament since 2004. She served in the European parliament between 2004 and 2009. What followed, as we know, was statements contradicting the views of the left party, increasing polarization and the establishment of the BSW. In addition to her political work, Wagenknecht is also a book writer. In addition, during her time in the left party, she established several supra-party formations, brought together the fragmented left wing and participated in efforts to bring left ideology back to an important position in society.

BSW is a very interesting party ideologically. Because it is not possible to count this party as a specific segment. A party program has not been published yet, but Wagenknecht's party is defined as leftist in socioeconomic terms and rightist in sociocultural terms. In the economy, it supports innovation, fair competition and support for small companies. In addition, instead of imposing sanctions on countries like Russia, it wants cooperation and this cooperation to be carried out with other partners. In foreign policy, the goal is diplomacy, the elimination of tensions and international cooperation. It rejects solving any problem with military methods. It supports the reduction of nuclear weapons and military presence.

In addition, a more independent foreign policy is demanded in order not to be crushed between the US and Russia or China. It is stated that Europe should be an independent and powerful actor in the world. On the other hand, migration movements to Germany are opposed and instead, new opportunities are supported in the countries where refugees come from. In other words, it is desired to eliminate the conditions that cause migration. Wagenknecht's party was defined by many experts as a recipe that could stand against the AfD during its establishment. Because the majority of AfD voters have given up hope on traditional parties such as Christian Democrats or Social Democrats. This is exactly why they vote for the far-right and BSW is not at all unfamiliar with the AfD line that we can gather the voters who have shifted to the AfD at this point, and this situation is especially evident in foreign policy.

For example, on the Russia issue, both BSW and AfD want the sanctions against Russia to end and cooperation with Russia to be established. They also want military aid and all kinds of arms shipments to Ukraine to end. BSW and AfD argue that the war between Russia and Ukraine is being further compounded by arms shipments and that a political solution is being avoided. BSW and AfD are almost on the same page in the climate change debate. Neither sees this as a priority. They oppose protecting the climate through renewable energy. Because BSW wants rational economic management. They argue that climate politics increases energy prices and endangers jobs.

Another and perhaps the most important issue is immigration. In this regard, BSW is very different from its former left party and is close to AfD. The far-right AfD's stance on immigration and refugees is well-known. Although BSW does not take such a radical stance, it is a party that wants to seriously prevent immigration. Accordingly, asylum applications should be processed in third countries rather than on German soil, borders should be protected and no state support should be provided to those whose asylum applications are rejected. BSW also argues that migrants should be prevented from forming parallel structures in the country. For example, it is stated that parallel societies with an Islamist structure have formed in France, which is a statement very similar to AfD discourse.

Far-right members, including AfD members, attended the peace rally Wagenknecht organized regarding the Ukrainian War. Wagenknecht also signed the peace manifesto she prepared regarding this issue together with the anti-Islam and racist Alice Schwarzer. As can be understood from this, Wagenknecht does not see any problem in appearing with AfD members or standing in the same line. In addition, BSW co-chair Amira Mohamed Ali said that we should not reject every offer from AfD. Although BSW is a very new party, it has achieved serious success in the elections held in the past period. BSW won 6.2% of the votes in the European elections held in June and won 6 seats in the parliament. This is an extremely great success for a party that has only been around for 5 months. This series of successes continued in various local elections.

After BSW's success in the European elections, all eyes turned to the elections in the eastern states. BSW achieved good results. In the state elections in Saxony, considered a stronghold of the far-right, BSW received 11.8% of the vote and won 15 seats. This put it in third place after the Christian Democrats, who received 31.9% of the vote, and the far-right AfD, who received 30.6% of the vote. BSW finished third in the municipal elections in Saxony with 8.5% of the vote. BSW also came in third in the Brandenburg state elections with 13.5% of the vote and 14 seats. In short, BSW has made its mark in almost every election it has entered since its establishment, and has even overtaken the traditional parties. In state elections, this of course also means new coalition opportunities and options. In other words, BSW has become a party that has a say in the formation of governments instead of an insignificant party that entered the elections on its own, and has achieved this in a very short time.

BSW's success in the European and local elections is of special significance. Because Germany will go to the polls in 2025 to determine a new government, and just as BSW has become an important actor in state elections, it may also be one of the determining factors at the federal level. For this reason, German society and political parties are closely following the polls due to the upcoming elections. BSW is at 8% to 10% of the votes in all polls conducted, and considering that this party is a newly established party, this is seen as an extremely good result. BSW is in fourth or fifth place with this result. The liberal FDP, one of the coalition partners of the current government, has a vote rate of 4% in the polls. In other words, BSW has surpassed one of the government parties.

The gap between BSW and another government party, Gruene, is closing according to many polls. In addition, Gruene is facing difficult times at the federal level after the poor results in the local elections. In other words, BSW may even get ahead of Gruene. It is difficult to predict what the final election results will be and what coalition possibilities will emerge. But if there is one thing that is certain, BSW will definitely have something to say and moves to make in the new government negotiations.

After BSW was established, German political parties understandably rushed to take a position. First, let's look at the CDU, the Christian Democrats, who are expected to win the next elections. The CDU is extremely cautious about BSW from an ideological perspective. Because while BSW criticizes its commitment to the West and NATO activities, these are exactly the elements that make CDU what it is. The CDU cannot agree with BSW on many fundamental issues such as the Ukraine war, and it does not seem possible to do so. In fact, some influential figures within the CDU even accuse BSW of being a representative of the Kremlin. Although even the slightest cooperation is not rejected outright as it is with the AfD, we cannot say that the CDU has very positive views on BSW.

The party leadership, both on a state and federal level, has adopted a "Stay away from these" stance for BSW. However, since they may still need BSW, they are not completely closing the door, they are keeping it slightly open. Unlike the CDU, the social democrats, the SPD, do not have a very strict stance. For example, they also criticize the fact that BSW still does not have a proper party program. However, they are open to cooperation with BSW in the states, because they have no other choice at the moment. But I cannot say that they have a very positive approach either, because they are worried that BSW will undermine the SPD. The Christian Democrats do not agree with BSW ideologically; it is unlikely that their voters will switch to BSW. However, a portion of the SPD's voters may switch to BSW, and this will be a problem in the long run.

Gruene also approaches BSW cautiously; they also describe BSW as an apparatus of the Kremlin due to its views on foreign policy. The liberal FDP, just like the Christian Democrats, is a party that is worlds apart from the BSW in terms of content. For this reason, the party leadership rejects any kind of cooperation with the BSW, describing it as a “dream”. In other words, due to the difference in views, they do not want to get too close to the BSW either. What about the AfD? The AfD and the BSW have a warm relationship, albeit a more formal one than the other parties. Because the expressions Wagenknecht used years ago on the issue of immigration, one of the most important issues for the AfD, were praised by the AfD.

Following the Brandenburg state elections, the AfD invited BSW to coalition talks. Party leader Wagenknecht says that a different approach should be taken towards the AfD and that it should not be rejected outright. In other words, Wagenknecht is rejecting the wall that other parties have built against the AfD; this of course works in the AfD’s favor when we consider their common points. In political parties, the electorate usually has a certain profile or appeals to a certain segment. So what is the situation with BSW? According to research, most of those who vote for BSW are those who voted for the AfD and the left-wing party in the last elections. In general, people with low incomes, no financial security, lower levels of education and those who are worried about the future prefer BSW.

In addition, people living in the east of Germany, in the former East Germany, are more likely to vote for BSW than those in the west, which explains why BSW has been so successful in these states. There is still a serious gap in salaries and quality of life between the West and East of Germany. In addition, according to research, many BSW voters have far-right views. Anti-US and pro-Russian voters also seem to prefer BSW. Similarly, voters who are concerned about the intense migration but find the AfD's stance too harsh also turn to BSW. This is exactly why BSW won the most voters from the AfD after the Left Party. However, more or less voters from other parties also shifted to BSW. In other words, we can say that BSW won voters from all parties and all segments of society.

In order to understand BSW's approach to foreign policy, we must first look at the Ukraine war. I have already touched on BSW's ideas about sanctions against Russia and military support for Ukraine. Both are rejected. Now let's take a closer look at Wagenknecht's words on this issue. Wagenknecht promised to avoid foreign policy moves that would put Germany at risk of war. With this, she criticized the current government's Ukraine policy; In other words, she believes that military support for Ukraine puts Germany in Russia’s crosshairs. Another issue in this context is the US’s plan to redeploy long-range missiles to Germany by 2026. Russia strongly opposes this plan and threatens war. Wagenknecht believes that the Scholz government’s acceptance of this has made Germany a target for Russian nuclear weapons. She even made this issue a condition for cooperation after the local elections; she said, “Anyone who wants to cooperate with us should refuse to have US weapons on German soil.”

By defining Ukraine as a US base and stating that NATO soldiers were once stationed there, Wagenknecht actually supports Russia’s narrative to some extent. Similarly, she sees Ukraine’s rapprochement with NATO as the real culprit of the war; in other words, just like Russia. Wagenknecht thus states that the real culprit of the war is not Russia, but the West’s provocations. In short, BSW is more opposed to Germany’s other political parties on the Ukraine issue and is closer to Russia.

Now let’s come to her views on the Middle East issue. Wagenknecht said that Israel’s brutal attacks in Gaza were “approaching genocide” and accused Israel of waging the war “irresponsibly” and acting against international law. She is also one of the most ardent supporters of the arms embargo against Israel, which she accuses of committing “war crimes.” Wagenknecht did not applaud or stand up after former Israeli President Simon Peres gave a speech in the German parliament in 2010. Wagenknecht was harshly criticized for this, but did not back down and said, “I cannot show this respect to someone who is responsible for the war.” Wagenknecht is accused of spreading hatred of Israel by Jewish organizations in Germany. However, Wagenknecht denies this as well and says, “If everyone who criticizes Israel’s brutal war in Gaza hated Israel, the majority of Israelis would hate Israel.”

The BSW leader accused Jewish organizations of not sufficiently criticizing Israel’s actions in Gaza. This is why Wagenknecht frequently targets the German government and says, “You support war crimes.” Wagenknecht operates outside the mainstream of German politics in foreign policy and categorically rejects wars. She argues that diplomacy should always be prioritized in foreign policy. BSW is becoming an important factor in German politics. It is difficult for other parties to ignore BSW. In addition, after a far-right party like the AfD, BSW has become a new haven for voters who are uncomfortable with traditional parties and the general course of events. We can say that BSW’s views, which sometimes go to the left and sometimes to the far-right, have brought a new breath to German politics. Especially as the federal elections approach, the current government losing power will also benefit BSW. Since it appeals to different segments, BSW is expected to be a critical element that will further intensify the race in the federal elections.

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